Appalachia Today: Part 2 – Central Impact of Coal Mining in Appalachia—Chronic Poverty

Photo: President Lyndon B. Johnson visits residents in Appalachian on his poverty tour in 1964

 

For good or ill, poverty and coal mining in Appalachia are forever intertwined in the American mind. In the views of many Americans, the word “Appalachia” is a metaphor for chronic rural poverty. Poverty has plagued Appalachia for over a century and has proven resistant to attempt after attempt to alleviate it, most famously in the “War on Poverty” announced by President Lyndon Johnson with much fanfare in 1964.

Poverty in Appalachia or elsewhere can be considered either absolute or relative. Absolute poverty is typically characterized as the “severe deprivation of basic human needs” with little or no access to food, safe drinking water, shelter, health care sanitation facilities and education, among other basic needs.[1] The World Bank defines “absolute” poverty as a per capita income of less than $1.90 per day Worldwide. Just over 700 million people worldwide live in absolute poverty.[2]

Not absolute poverty but the second type of poverty, relative poverty, is what the Appalachian region has endured over the past century, a poverty that remains today. To determine whether relative poverty exists one must first consider what is the “minimum acceptable standards of living” within a particular society and how that relates to current living standards in the country or region as a whole.[3] Relative poverty is often defined as between 40% and 60% of a country’s or region’s mean income and is found mostly in developed countries which have segments of population that are considered poor relative to the wealth of the country’s or region’s other citizens.[4]

With some exceptions, such as the poverty suffered by people living in the most destitute central Appalachian counties in the 1930s and again in the 1950s, Appalachia has largely avoided the horrors of “absolute” poverty. Many of the factors that define relative poverty are common in Appalachia: low levels of income, malnutrition, ill health, increased levels of morbidity and mortality, limited education, inadequate housing, a degraded environment, drug abuse and the like.[5]

Coal and Poverty

Appalachia has experienced chronic poverty since the beginning of industrial coal production in the last quarter of the 19th century. From the opening of mines which followed the arrival of the railroad in central Appalachia in the 1870s and 1880s, moving outside coal and land companies quickly purchased control of the land and minerals in the region, and largely controlled the housing, education, and health systems that were developed to service the rapidly expanding coal industry. Creation of company controlled coal camps quickly followed the arrival of hundreds of thousands of immigrants to mine the coal that would power the Industrial Revolution in this country.

Unfortunately, for all concerned, the coal industry in Appalachia proved to be highly unstable due largely to the chronic overcapacity of the industry which led to repeated and severe boom and bust economic cycles which periodically devastated the region. Mechanization of the mines in the 1950s produced the biggest “bust” cycle in American history costing hundreds of thousands of miners their jobs.[6]

These economic forces brought long term, chronic poverty in the region. In the 1960s, nearly one third of the region still lived in dire poverty. Conditions improved somewhat in the last 50 years due in significant part to federal continent programs. But in the worst areas of poverty in central Appalachia, poverty remains today at a high level. As of 2000, poverty rates in central Appalachia were over 22 percent, twice the national average. Eastern Kentucky and southern West Virginia had five of the poorest twenty five counties in the nation.

In central Appalachia, the median household income is less than $30,000, or less than 60% of the nation’s median income.[7] In 2015, the Appalachian Regional Commission (ARC) classified 93 Appalachian counties as “distressed,” a criterion based on the county’s unemployment rate, poverty rate and per capita income.


 Photo: Low-income residents in the Appalachian region

Of the 54 counties in Appalachian Kentucky, 37 were categorized as distressed by the ARC in 2016.[8] In eastern Kentucky, between 2010-2014 the poverty rate was 25.4% (compared to 18.9% for the whole of Kentucky). Per capita income in eastern Kentucky was $18,889 in 2014 compared to $28,332 in the state as a whole.[9]

Not only are income levels in Appalachia significantly below the national mean, so too is household wealth. Household wealth is built through savings and investment in assets, such as housing,[10]  and can be broadly defined as the value of a household’s assets minus its debts Household wealth is a strong indicator of overall economic health and is closely linked to an area’s economic prosperity and growth potential. A 2013 study on the impact of the Great Recession on Appalachia’s household wealth found that average home values were 39% lower in Appalachia than in the country as a whole. Income from interest and dividends and non-wage sources were 45% lower in the “distressed” counties in central Appalachia than in the U.S. as a whole. Average household income in Appalachia was 20% below the U.S. average, and the average amount of interest income was 35% lower than the national mean.[11] The very low levels of household wealth meant that Appalachian households have fewer resources to fall back on in the face of unemployment or reduced income,[12] as is the case now with the coal industry’s decline.

There are numerous factors which account for the low levels of income and household wealth in central Appalachia and the resulting poverty but by far the most important factor has been the impact of the coal industry over the past 140 or so years (1875 – today).

Appalachia’s reliance for some 140 years on a single unstable industry and that industry’s ownership and control of much of the land and minerals of the region, coupled with its political and economic power, inhibited economic development in the region and allowed the coal industry to depress wages and lower labor costs even in good times. In the “bust” periods, as is the case now, the economic impact of the coal industry on the economic well being of the region was, and is, little short of catastrophic. Many economists refer to such chronic problems as a “Resource Curse”.

The “resource curse” is thought by many economists to contribute directly to a lack of economic development and chronic poverty. As noted above, the volatility in the market price of natural resources such as coal leads to debilitating boom-and-bust cycles which are detrimental to the region’s overall economic stability and long-term growth,[13] as well as to economic diversification. Since resource extraction during boom periods can be a very profitable business, as coal mining has been at various times, local and state governments have little incentive to invest in an infrastructure that would support a diversified economy. The resulting lack of economic diversity in the region makes the regional economy susceptible to volatility in the price of the resource.[14]

A 2010 study which examined the effects of the resource curse on Kentucky’s coal counties identified several ways in which the region’s dependence on coal mining had led to a lack of economic development and chronic poverty. For one, coal mining is location-dependent. When the coal in one area is exhausted, mines shut down and operations move to different, more coal-rich areas, taking the jobs, money and people with them. Since there are few alternative industries for local economies to rely on, “ghost towns” are created and local development and growth are inhibited or foreclosed.[15] Second, not surprisingly, the study found that the mechanization of the coal industry had directly contributed to poverty in the region. In the 1950s, mechanization in the mines (coal loading machines, continuous machines, etc.) led to a massive decrease in the number of coal mining jobs, and hundreds of thousands of people left central Appalachia. However, the decrease in population was not enough to offset the number of jobs lost, so unemployment and poverty in the region soared.[16]

The economic impacts of coal, are of course, much broader than there impact on the level of wages of miners and the per capita income or family wealth in the region. With the decline in coal production, many counties in Appalachia lost a major source of revenue due to sharp decrease in the severance tax payments which coal companies make to states based on the value of the coal they extract. For example, Kentucky received $62 million in 2010 from severance payments but only $23.4 million in 2015.[17] Boone County, WV, received $6 million in severance taxes in 2011 but only $2 million in 2015.[18] As a result, Appalachian states face a fiscal emergency due to the declining tax revenue and are in dire need of additional revenue in order to provide the most basic of services to their citizens.

Kentucky, for example, has experienced severe state budget shortfalls that make it difficult for the state to pay for even the most basic state services, such as state pensions and the state Medicaid program. Since 2008, Kentucky has implemented budget cuts totaling $1.7 billion and has been forced to underfund pension payments to employees and teachers.[19] For the fiscal year ending on June 30, 2014, for example, Kentucky faced a $90.9 million budget shortfall due largely to a fall in income tax collections, which grew just 0.7% in that fiscal year compared to 6% the year before. The drop in coal severance taxes, which fell 14.3% over the fiscal year, contributed to the state’s budget shortfall.[20] Eastern Kentucky coal counties were especially hard hit by these budgetary cuts since they face a combination of abandoned mines, job losses, population decreases and declining property tax revenue.[21]

West Virginia faces a budget crisis similar to that of Kentucky. The state projected a budget gap of over $500 million in 2016 alone. As a result, the state has cut over $600 million from the budget over the last five years.  Between 2012 and 2017, the only two major state expenditure increases have been for Medicaid and foster care services. The general revenue fund expenditures have witnessed an average increase of less than 1 percent annually since 2008.[22]

There are two primary causes for West Virginia’s revenue crisis: tax cuts and the decline in the coal industry. In 2007, the state enacted various tax cuts (such as phasing out the business franchise tax and cutting the corporate income tax rate from 9 percent to 6.5 percent) which totaled at least $425 million annually. The state hoped to boost jobs through business tax cuts but this did not occur – the state had more private jobs prior to the tax cuts than it does today. On the coal side, the dying coal industry (the coal production dropped from 158 million tons in 2008 to about 80 million tons in 2016) led to a dramatic revenue decline from severance taxes, which have dropped $243 million since 2014.[23]

For the FY 2018 West Virginia budget the newly elected governor, Jim Justice, a former coal operator, faces an estimated budget gap of $495 million, or about 11 percent of the state’s general revenue to address the problem, Justice proposed severe cuts on the state budget. Those budget cuts will unquestionably have severe social consequences. “Schools and libraries will have to close, roads and bridges will continue to deteriorate and towns will be abandoned. Water systems will crumble and health clinics and social service agencies will close” said Ted Boettner, executive director of the West Virginia Center on Budget & Policy.[24][25]

In order to raise revenue instead of cutting basic public services for FY 2018, Governor Justice proposed raising $450 million by applying the state sales tax to cell phones, digital downloads, grocery items while also increasing the sales tax rate to 7 percent. Other options included, raising the natural gas severance tax rate from 5 percent to 6 percent, reinstating an estate tax and business tax, and adding a 3 percent income tax surcharge on incomes over $200,000. Ideally these proposals would bring in an additional $200 million revenue, but the increased sales taxes would further burden low income residents in the states. Moreover, the GOP controlled legislature has vowed to oppose any tax increase and instead plans to push for still more tax cuts, such as eliminating the business personal property tax that would reduce state and local revenue by additional $388 million. [26] [27]

The federal government’s attempt to address poverty in Appalachia including the War on Poverty, has relieved some of the region’s worst symptoms of poverty. But the cure for poverty never arrived – today five of the 10 poorest counties in the entire United States are in eastern Kentucky.[28] Beattyville in, Lee County, KY, for example, is believed to be the poorest town in the America with 54 percent of the population living below the poverty line with a  median household income of $14,000.[29] In real terms, the income of the people in Beattyville is lower than it was in 1980.[30]

Similarly, nearby Owsley County, KY seems frozen in time– many of the residents still live without running water or electricity. The dying coal industry left the county of 4,700 with few jobs adequate to make a living. According to the US Census Bureau, the median household income in the county is $19,351, the lowest in the country outside of Puerto Rico. In 2011, 48.6 percent of the population in Owsley below 18 years old fell below the poverty line – a seven percent increase from their parent’s generation.[31]

Today, as during much of its history, Appalachia has few good-paying jobs other than coal, and the recent decline of the coal industry has, not surprisingly, meant much higher unemployment in the region. In 2015, the nation had approximately 66,000 coal mining jobs, the lowest level since the U.S. Energy Information Administration began recording this data in 1978. 20,000 coal mining jobs have been lost since 2008, and about 10,000 more jobs were expected to be lost in 2016.[32] In West Virginia in 2015, coal mining jobs fell to 15,000, down from 22,000 in 2008.[33] In Kentucky, coal employment totaled 6,900 jobs as of April, 2016, the lowest level in the state in 118 years.[34] In 2010-2014, 42 counties in central Appalachia had less than 60% of the 25-to-64-year-old age group active in the civilian labor force.[35]

Besides the direct loss of coal mining jobs and the loss of the income from mining due to the decline of the coal industry, coal mining has contributed to Appalachia’s chronic poverty in other ways. Studies of the region show a link between the very low educational levels in the region and the coal industry. In 2006-2010, in 25 of the 26 Appalachian counties with an unemployment rate of over 10%, more than one in five working-age adults did not have a high school diploma. A recent study found that many people in coal mining regions did not find it worthwhile to finish high school or pursue a college degree when high-paying coal mining jobs were immediately available.[36] In 2015 in West Virginia, the employed coal miners that remained earned an income more than twice the state average,[37] amounting to between $70,000 and $90,000 on average.

To add to the lack of incentive to remain in school, the types of jobs available to persons who did obtain a college degree were ones with the lowest returns for those with college degrees, such as social work or teaching at local schools. Therefore, there was little practical incentive to spend money on a college education given that much higher-paying coal mining jobs that did not require a college degree were available.[38] Now that the coal mining jobs are gone, the people that forfeited the chance of a college education are at a lifelong disadvantage.

In addition, residential mobility in the region is declining. Older workers in the region, in particular, are less likely to move away from home. The average coal miner in West Virginia is 55 years old, making it very difficult for him/her to find a job if he/she is not willing to move to an area with more opportunities.[39] The result is “permanent unemployment” for the aging miner.


Photo: Desolate streets of Appalachia

Initiatives to retrain former coal miners for jobs, such as in the renewable energy sector have been ineffective. Most of these jobs benefit younger people with at least some postsecondary education who are willing and able to relocate. The average coal miner does not fit into these categories.[40][41]

Aging/Declining Population/Outmigration

The population of Appalachia is both declining and aging. As recently as the 1980s, eastern Kentucky averaged about 4,600 more births than deaths per year. By 2010, however, the number of deaths in eastern Kentucky exceeded the number of births.[42] In addition to the low birth rate, a second reason for the region’s aging population is the high rate of outmigration among younger people. A 2009 study found that 72% of West Virginia University graduates who had been out of school for at least five years had left West Virginia, representing the highest rate of outmigration of graduates of any major public university in the country. College graduates in the state leave mainly because of the lack of opportunity. The combination of an aging population and youth outmigration is projected to lower West Virginia’s labor force participation rate from 54.3% in 2010 to 49.1% by 2035 as the state already has the lowest labor force participation rate in the country.[43]

Outmigration is a problem in other parts of Appalachia, as well. In eastern Kentucky, from 2011 to 2014, more people left the area than moved into it. Of the people who did move into the region from other states, a majority fell into one or more of the following categories: they had a high school education or less, they earned less than $25,000 a year, they were not in the labor force, and/or they had not worked in a year or longer.[44]

Some of the outmigration in the region is a result of the decline of the coal industry. In the past, eastern Kentucky experienced population growth when coal production boomed. As coal mining became more mechanized and employed fewer miners, however, this correlation decreased. Even so, eastern Kentucky’s recent drop in population parallels the loss of coal mining jobs. From 1990, which represented the peak in eastern Kentucky coal production, to 2015, the area has faced stagnant population levels and more recently, an actual decline in population as the coal market failed. During the same period of time, the rest of Kentucky and the U.S. as a whole experienced population growth.[45] Kentucky author Wendell Berry has explained this phenomenon by arguing that Appalachia, by exporting its raw materials, also exports the basis of its economy and therefore, its jobs. Young people in the region then follow these jobs to other states.[46]

As a result of these factors, Appalachia has a higher percentage of elderly people (those 65 years of age and older) than the rest of the country. At the time of the 2010 Census, more than 15% of Appalachia’s population was at least 65,[47] and by 2035, 19.8% of Appalachia’s population is expected to be 65 or older.[48] As of 2012, West Virginia had the highest concentration of the elderly of any state in the country except Florida.[49]

The elderly in Appalachia have higher poverty rates and higher disability rates than the elderly in the rest of the country.[50] In West Virginia, as of 2012, only 11% of the elderly population worked or sought work after the age of 65, compared with 19% in the country as a whole. One-third of West Virginia seniors relied on Social Security as their sole source of income.[51] A senior citizen from Summersville, WV said she has often witnessed the elderly having to make a choice between paying for their prescription drugs, buying groceries or heating their homes in winter.[52] To make the matter worse, a higher proportion of the elderly live alone in Appalachia, which puts them at higher risk for decreased mobility and worse physical and emotional health.[53]

Overall, the current state of Appalachia and its citizens is bleak, and its prospects dim. What factors brought these about, and what role did the coal industry play in creating such conditions?

 

[1] Joanna Mack, “Absolute and overall poverty,” Poverty and Social Exclusion. http://www.poverty.ac.uk/definitions-poverty/absolute-and-overall-poverty.

[2] “FAQs: Global Poverty Line Update,” The World Bank, September 30, 2015. http://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/poverty/brief/global-poverty-line-faq.

[3] Joanna Mack, “Absolute and overall poverty,” Poverty and Social Exclusion. http://www.poverty.ac.uk/definitions-poverty/absolute-and-overall-poverty.

[4] Alessandra Casazza, “How are all countries, rich and poor, to define poverty?”, United Nations Development Programme, October 16, 2015. http://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/blog/2015/10/16/How-are-all-countries-rich-and-poor-to-define-poverty-.html.

[5] Joanna Mack, “Absolute and overall poverty,” Poverty and Social Exclusion. http://www.poverty.ac.uk/definitions-poverty/absolute-and-overall-poverty.

[6] Ronald D. Eller

[7] Paola Scommegna, “Low Education Levels and Unemployment Linked in Appalachia,” Population Reference Bureau, March 2012. http://www.prb.org/Publications/Articles/2012/appalachia-education-unemployment.aspx.

[8] “County Economic Status and Number of Distressed Areas in Appalachian Kentucky, Fiscal Year 2017,” Appalachian Regional Commission. https://www.arc.gov/images/appregion/economic_statusFY2016/CountyEconomicStatusandDistressAreasFY2016Kentucky.pdf.

[9] “County Economic Status, Fiscal Year 2017,” Appalachian Regional Commission. https://www.arc.gov/reports/custom_report.asp?REPORT_ID=62.

[10] Linda A. Jacobsen, Marlene Lee and Kevin Pollard, “Household Wealth and Financial Security in Appalachia,” prepared by the Population Reference Bureau for the Appalachian Regional Commission, November 2013: 9, 16. https://www.arc.gov/assets/research_reports/HouseholdWealthandFinancialSecurityinAppalachia.pdf

[11] Linda A. Jacobsen, Marlene Lee and Kevin Pollard, “Household Wealth and Financial Security in Appalachia,” prepared by the Population Reference Bureau for the Appalachian Regional Commission, November 2013: 42-43. https://www.arc.gov/assets/research_reports/HouseholdWealthandFinancialSecurityinAppalachia.pdf

[12] Linda A. Jacobsen, Marlene Lee and Kevin Pollard, “Household Wealth and Financial Security in Appalachia,” prepared by the Population Reference Bureau for the Appalachian Regional Commission, November 2013: 61. https://www.arc.gov/assets/research_reports/HouseholdWealthandFinancialSecurityinAppalachia.pdf

[13] Jeffrey A. Frankel, “The Natural Resource Curse: A Survey,” Working Paper 15836, National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2010: 10-11. http://www.nber.org/papers/w15836.pdf.

[14] “Resource Curse,” Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Resource_curse.

[15] Kristen A. Harkness, “Escaping the Resource Curse? Lessons from Kentucky Coal Counties,” May 11, 2010: 29-30. https://web.princeton.edu/sites/Kharknes/Working%20Papers_files/Coal%20Paper-1.pdf.

[16] Kristen A. Harkness, “Escaping the Resource Curse? Lessons from Kentucky Coal Counties,” May 11, 2010: 30. https://web.princeton.edu/sites/Kharknes/Working%20Papers_files/Coal%20Paper-1.pdf.

[17] Margaret Newkirk, Tim Loh and Mario Parker, “Coal’s Decline is Choking Appalachia Towns,” Bloomberg, September 10, 2015. https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2015-09-10/coal-s-decline-is-choking-appalachia-towns.

[18] Daniel Melling, “West Virginia Imagines a Future Beyond Coal,” World Resources Institute, April 15, 2016. http://www.wri.org/blog/2016/04/west-virginia-imagines-future-beyond-coal.

[19] Ashley Spalding, Anna Baumann and Jason Bailey, “Investing in Kentucky’s Future: A Preview of the 2016-2018 Kentucky State Budget,” Kentucky Center for Economic Policy, January 2016: 1. http://kypolicy.org/investing-in-kentuckys-future-a-preview-of-the-2016-2018-kentucky-state-budget/.

[20] Jack Brammer, “Kentucky faces $90.9 million budget shortfall; remedy still uncertain,” Lexington Herald-Leader, July 10, 2014. http://www.kentucky.com/news/politics-government/article44497074.html.

[21] Miranda Combs, “New problems for counties already hit hard by closed coal mines,” WKYT, February 23, 2017. http://www.wkyt.com/content/news/WKYT-Investigates-Unmined-coal-tax-costing-Eastern-KY-millions-414640953.html.

[22] http://www.wvpolicy.org/tackling-west-virginias-budget-crisis/

[23] http://www.wvpolicy.org/tackling-west-virginias-budget-crisis/

[24] http://www.publicnewsservice.org/2017-02-09/budget-policy-and-priorities/more-cuts-or-more-revenue-to-address-wv-budget-crisis/a56316-1

[25] http://www.theintelligencer.net/news/top-headlines/2017/02/west-virginia-budget-presents-daunting-task-for-legislators/

[26] http://www.wvpolicy.org/tackling-west-virginias-budget-crisis/

[27] http://www.publicnewsservice.org/2017-02-09/budget-policy-and-priorities/more-cuts-or-more-revenue-to-address-wv-budget-crisis/a56316-1

[28] https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/nov/12/beattyville-kentucky-and-americas-poorest-towns

[29] https://thinkprogress.org/this-is-what-poverty-looks-like-5218e194d4fe#.g31tmvlji

[30] https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/nov/12/beattyville-kentucky-and-americas-poorest-towns

[31] http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2134196/Pictured-The-modern-day-poverty-Kentucky-people-live-running-water-electricity.html

[32] Associated Press, “Trump’s vow to bring back coal gives hope to weary regions,” Chicago Tribune, November 21, 2016. http://www.chicagotribune.com/business/ct-trump-jobs-coal-country-biz-20161121-story.html.

[33] Associated Press, “Trump’s vow to bring back coal gives hope to weary regions,” Chicago Tribune, November 21, 2016. http://www.chicagotribune.com/business/ct-trump-jobs-coal-country-biz-20161121-story.html.

[34] Bill Estep, “Coal jobs in Kentucky fall to lowest level in 118 years,” Lexington Herald-Leader, May 2, 2016. http://www.kentucky.com/news/state/article75087302.html.

[35] Kelvin Pollard and Linda A. Jacobsen, “The Appalachian Region: A Data Overview from the 2010-2014 American Community Survey,” Population Reference Bureau, April 2016. http://www.prb.org/pdf16/DataOverviewfrom2010to2014ACS.pdf.

[36] Adam Millsap, “Will Trump’s Policies Help Appalachia and Similar Places?”, Forbes, November 14, 2016. http://www.forbes.com/sites/adammillsap/2016/11/14/will-trumps-policies-help-appalachia-and-similar-places/#211122793822.

[37] Dwyer Gunn, “Where Should All the Coal Miners Go?”, Pacific Standard, December 2, 2015. https://psmag.com/where-should-all-the-coal-miners-go-56b63b74b3a7#.2touy9krb.

[38] Adam Millsap, “Will Trump’s Policies Help Appalachia and Similar Places?”, Forbes, November 14, 2016. http://www.forbes.com/sites/adammillsap/2016/11/14/will-trumps-policies-help-appalachia-and-similar-places/#211122793822.

[39] Dwyer Gunn, “Where Should All the Coal Miners Go?”, Pacific Standard, December 2, 2015. https://psmag.com/where-should-all-the-coal-miners-go-56b63b74b3a7#.2touy9krb.

[40] Michael Reilly, “Can We Really Retrain Coal Workers for Jobs in Solar?”, MIT Technology Review, August 11, 2016. https://www.technologyreview.com/s/602151/can-we-really-retrain-coal-workers-for-jobs-in-solar/.

[41] Katie Valentine, “Inside West Virginia’s Struggle to Break its Coal Addiction,” ThinkProgress, March 11, 2014. https://thinkprogress.org/inside-west-virginias-struggle-to-break-its-coal-addiction-80ce52ea09be#.c704gnolo.

[42] Matt Klesta, “Comings and Goings in Eastern Kentucky,” in “Region in Transition: A Look at Eastern Kentucky in Four Parts,” Forefront, Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland, August 1, 2016, p. 15. https://www.clevelandfed.org/newsroom-and-events/publications/forefront/ff-v7n02/ff-20160801-v7n0209-comings-and-goings-in-eastern-kentucky.aspx.

[43] Elizabeth Paulhus and Renate Pore, “The State of Older Adults in West Virginia: Economic Security and the Over 65 Population,” West Virginia Center on Budget & Policy and West Virginia Partnership for Elder Living, July 2012, p. 5. https://www.wvpel.org/downloads/State%20of%20Older%20Adults%20Ec%20Sec%20in%20WV%20July%202012.pdf.

[44] Matt Klesta, “Comings and Goings in Eastern Kentucky,” in “Region in Transition: A Look at Eastern Kentucky in Four Parts,” Forefront, Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland, August 1, 2016, p. 17. https://www.clevelandfed.org/newsroom-and-events/publications/forefront/ff-v7n02/ff-20160801-v7n0209-comings-and-goings-in-eastern-kentucky.aspx.

[45] Matt Klesta, “Comings and Goings in Eastern Kentucky,” in “Region in Transition: A Look at Eastern Kentucky in Four Parts,” Forefront, Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland, August 1, 2016, p. 15. https://www.clevelandfed.org/newsroom-and-events/publications/forefront/ff-v7n02/ff-20160801-v7n0209-comings-and-goings-in-eastern-kentucky.aspx.

[46] Nate W. Kratzer, “Coal Mining and Population Loss in Appalachia,” Journal of Appalachian Studies 21:2 (Fall 2015): 178. https://natewkratzer.files.wordpress.com/2016/01/kratzer-from-jas-21_2_final.pdf.

[47] Associated Press, “Appalachia’s aging population is rising fast,” Charleston Gazette-Mail, February 21, 2012. http://www.wvgazettemail.com/News/201202210254.

[48] John Haaga, “The Aging of Appalachia,” Population Reference Bureau, April 2004, p. 7. http://www.prb.org/pdf04/AgingofAppalachia.pdf.

[49] Associated Press, “Appalachia’s aging population is rising fast,” Charleston Gazette-Mail, February 21, 2012. http://www.wvgazettemail.com/News/201202210254.

[50] John Haaga, “The Aging of Appalachia,” Population Reference Bureau, April 2004, pp. 12 and 17. http://www.prb.org/pdf04/AgingofAppalachia.pdf.

[51] Elizabeth Paulhus and Renate Pore, “The State of Older Adults in West Virginia: Economic Security and the Over 65 Population,” West Virginia Center on Budget & Policy and West Virginia Partnership for Elder Living, July 2012, p. 13-14. https://www.wvpel.org/downloads/State%20of%20Older%20Adults%20Ec%20Sec%20in%20WV%20July%202012.pdf.

[52] Associated Press, “Appalachia’s aging population is rising fast,” Charleston Gazette-Mail, February 21, 2012. http://www.wvgazettemail.com/News/201202210254.

[53] John Haaga, “The Aging of Appalachia,” Population Reference Bureau, April 2004, p. 20. http://www.prb.org/pdf04/AgingofAppalachia.pdf